Month: September 2019

From Bizeemu to Bikaaye

From #Bizeemu to #Bikaaye

UNITED STATES DENIES 12 NRM LEADERS VISAS.. these are Mike Mukula,NRM vice president Eastern Region, NRM spokesman Rogers Mulindwa, NRM deputy Secretary General Richard Twodongo,NRM secretary General Kasule Lumumba among others.These were DENIED visas to US to attend the Uganda North America Association-UNAA convention two weeks ago joining General Kare Kaihura and commander of land forces Gen Peter Olwelu who were parmanently banned from entering USA.Roger Mulindwa has defended them saying they had applied for visas very late but sources say some of them like Richard Tondwong were pulled from the plane when they had arleady boardered.U.S is accusing these leaders of human rights abuses, corruption and dictatorship.

Me: (In ma Comfortable bed) Abanyampi ka sukaali keeko oba twongeremu akatangawuzi 🤪
#Bobi4president
#Mission2021
#MuseveniMustGo en other banyampiz.

THIS IS HOW THE HOIMA VOTE WAS RIGGED NARRATES DAVID LEWIS

THIS IS HOW THE HOIMA VOTE WAS RIGGED NARRATES DAVID LEWIS

A night before the last rally in Hoima, I received a call from a friend who works with one of our security agencies. Since he had seen me in Hoima, he had called to warn me not to stay there or at least be in the company of other colleagues at all times while there. He told me that security forces deployed in Hoima had received clear instructions not to permit people from Kampala play any role in the electioneering process on the day of voting. He told me of how I could be arrested or assaulted if I stayed in the district. Since this is an old friend, he went further to assure me that Hoima was a must win for them. Of course, I had occasion to remind him that as a serving officer in our security, he should be non-partisan and not say ‘WE’ shall win. Who were the ‘WE’ in this case? (As everyone knows, it is sometimes difficult to distinguish between NRM the party, the State, security forces, the government of Uganda and the person of President Museveni. We have had the misfortune of all these being intertwined into one entity which I like to call ‘those who rule over us’.)

David lewis Lubongoya with Bobiwine

He told me they would do everything possible to get this election. In a local dialect he said, ‘Bobi Wine aretsire amaani. Nituteekwa kumushara sipiidi’ (Bobi Wine has amassed a lot of support, we must cut his speed.) In saying this, he alluded to the fear the regime got seeing the masses of young people who were following Bobi Wine for the rallies- moreover in rural areas of Hoima. In his words, without ‘people from Kampala’ at those polling stations, the ‘villagers’ would be unable to detect or even prevent rigging and other malpractices which they had planned to engage in. Well, I thanked him for the call and told him I was not staying in Hoima. I also assured him that the election was ours to win before we concluded the conversation.

Well, the day of our last rally, the signs became too clear. As we drove into Hoima, we found that a military police roadblock had been mounted at the entrance to the district. The intention was to intercept the people from Kampala! We decided to avoid the main route and used a murram path that led us into the town. We quickly joined supporters who had gathered at the FDC office and at that point we had a mammoth crowd going towards the rally venue. We all watched videos of soldiers battering young people, who earned their due punishment for wearing red and chanting People Power slogans. In the evening, we got information that plans had been made to arrest Bobi Wine and drive him out of Hoima straight. The intention was to prevent him from going for a radio program, and to cause ‘any further trouble.’ So he used other means to get out of that place and despite looking for him everywhere, they could not find him. It was at that point that they let his car pass through the roadblock and held the others back. Of course thousands of supporters on foot were also blocked from using the road. The security officers bought time and when night fell, those poor people were clobbered as though they had killed an angel. Hon. Zaake narrowly survived this onslaught courtesy of a colleague MP belonging to the NRM. My friend Saasi Marvin wasn’t so lucky. We were told how that same night power was switched off throughout the district, and security forces went from hotel to hotel looking for people from Kampala. Those who were found have their stories to tell. That night and the day after, many arrests were made and until now, some comrades’ whereabouts are still unknown.

It was against this background that the following day, our candidate tried to use whatever human resource was available to prepare for election day. Well knowing that plans were rife to rig the election, it had been agreed that there are a minimum of four agents at every polling station. What the Electoral Commission did was to issue tags to these agents meant for the Kaabong election! When they complained, they were given assurance that the tag would be used the way it was- there had been confusion in transporting the materials. Of course this was a deliberate plot to frustrate the agents. In the evening, the tags were recalled on the pretext of issuing new ones, this time meant for Hoima! That threw the team into total confusion. Bullets were fired, more arrests were made and the people dispersed. The key targets were prospective supervisors and agents! There were also inhouse problems amongst the forces of change, thus limiting the possibility of jointly resisting the blatant rigging attempts. It had been regularly suggested throughout the election period that some people on the opposition side were not only interested in, but working hard to see that Nyakato fails because her win would give so much credit to Bobi Wine and People Power!!

Anyway, what happened on election day has been widely shared and talked about. Many agents of Nyakato were assaulted and driven out of polling stations with impunity. Unlike an ideal election where a candidate will sit home and wait for results, Nyakato and her team spent the entire day running up and down chasing government and private vehicles which were full of pre-ticked ballot papers in favor of the NRM’s candidate. Reports indicate that the stuffing of ballots which took place early morning is unbelievable. The few video recordings which captured pre-ticked ballots under guard do not capture even and inch of what happened. In the night, Declaration Forms while being transported from villages to the main tally center miraculously had results changed. The tally center was raided at some point – supporters took to their heels! By the time Businge was declared winner, the population of had been effectively subdued. At the declaration of those results, there was neither celebration nor jubilation. Once again, those who rule over us had effectively usurped the power of the people. In the aftermath of the sham election, Crispin Kaheru, the Executive Director of CCEDU, an NGO which observed the election and reported about the use of state resources in a partisan manner and irregularities received an email in which he was reminded that in the past regimes such a report would cost him his life. A clear warning was sent!

There are many lessons for us who belong to the People Power movement and to all Ugandans. The intention of the regime was to water down our election strategy. I can imagine what must have happened in a meeting amongst those who rule over us- “We must win this election at every cost,” they must have said. As Andrew Mwenda said on TV a few days ago, the moment voter turnout is high in 2021, it will be game over for the regime. They must do everything to discourage our people from believing in an election! We must not give it to them! Here is another reason- Bobi Wine having effectively beaten the regime in by-elections held in Kigezi, Buganda, West Nile, and Busoga, a decisive victory in Bunyoro would be too much. They had to find a way. From the commentary on social media yesterday, some people are discouraged. They are asking People Power to design another strategy. Maybe we should. But it is important for us not to give up on the strategy which has effectively worked elsewhere, but to learn lessons and respond accordingly.

The second lesson is to the forces of change. We must either come together or decisively decide to work separately but in full unity. If we mean what we profess, this must be obvious to us.

Finally, the people of Uganda must learn that they are on their own! In the wake of another openly, blatantly rigged election, the academics and so called educated elites are quiet. Some of them like Morrison Rwakakamba have come out to defend and celebrate a rigged election! The religious leaders are quiet. Only yesterday, President Museveni was being hosted by some pastor who used the pulpit to ask for financial support from the head of state. Two days earlier, a group of pastors met with him and sang praises to the regime; not for doing God’s bidding but for allowing them operate freely without regulation. We can talk about so many other categories of people. ORDINARY PEOPLE OF UGANDA, YOU ARE ON YOUR OWN AND YOU MUST OWN YOUR OWN REDEMPTION.

We who deeply care for democracy and the rule of law must not be discouraged or give up. It is an incredible coincidence that these events coincided with the release of Bobi Wine’s new song, ‘OSOBOLA’ – You can. Together, we can.’

VIDEO EXPLAINING WHAT HAPPENED

How Uganda’s Long serving President(35 yrs in Power), Museveni is using old and new laws to block activists on social media

Ugandan musician-turned-MP Robert ‘Bobi Wine’ Kyagulanyi has been a frequent target of the country’s cyber laws.

Activists who use digital media are protected by international law and protocols that guarantee freedom of expression.

Under international law, freedom of expression is also protected on the internet and mobile devices. It stands to reason then that the same rights enjoyed offline should be enjoyed online.

There are also protections in Africa. For example, the African Charter on Human and Peoples Rights provides that every individual has the right to receive information and to express and disseminate opinions within the law.

The African Commission has also acknowledged the importance of freedom of expression in the digital space. African nations are required by regional law to guarantee the right to freedom of information and expression on the internet.

But these rights aren’t always protected. Take the case of Uganda. Its Constitution protects freedom of expression and the courts have expanded this to include free speech expressed via new forms of technology.

Yet freedom of speech and expression is not a reality in Uganda. The government continues to use domestic laws on electronic communication to crack down on citizens, activists and politicians who criticise the president on the internet.

This is unfortunate. Digital activism in the political sphere is critical. It enables government critics and political activists to hold the government to account. This is clear from the way in which digital platforms like Facebook have been used by opposition politicians. For instance, Robert ‘Bobi Wine’ Kyagulanyi often shares his message on social media when he is barred from traditional media platforms.

This explains why the Ugandan government is reinterpreting old criminal libel laws and enacting new ones to restrict digital activism.

Why Uganda is wrong

Activists in Uganda who use social media find themselves vulnerable to action by the state on a number of fronts.

The first is the country’s defamation laws. While courts in KenyaZimbabwe and elsewhere on the continent have held that criminal defamation laws are unconstitutional, in Uganda the state continues to take a hard stance. In 2013 for instance, security minister Muruli Musaka announced the creation of a social media monitoring centre. The aim, he said, was

to weed out those who use it to damage the government and people’s reputations.

Then there is the Computer Misuse Act, under which charges such as cyber harassment and offensive communication can be brought. This has happened frequently against online activists.

For example, in 2016 Swaibu Nsamba Gwogyolonga, a political activist, was arrested and charged with offensive communication. The charge was brought because of a picture he’d posted on Facebook of President Yoweri Museveni lying dead in a coffin.

And in 2017, David Mugema and Jonah Muwanguzi were arrested and charged with offensive communication for posting a song on their social media platforms calling for the resignation of President Museveni.

The most notorious use of these provisions was the recent conviction of Stella Nyanzi. The Makerere University lecturer and human rights activist has a considerable social media following.

She was charged with the offence of cyber harassment after writing a caustic Facebook post in which she called the president “a pair of buttocks” and the first lady “empty-brained”. She subsequently wrote a poem lamenting the fact that the president’s deceased mother had not aborted him.

By using laws such as the Computer Misuse Act, the Ugandan state has criminalised criticism of the president. This runs contrary to the country’s Constitution.

Other laws like the Anti-Terrorism Act are also used to limit freedom of expression. The Act allows the security apparatus to intercept private communication without a warrant while investigating terror activities.

The fear is that the state will brand activists who use social media platforms as terrorists so that it can put them under surveillance.

For instance, in August 2019, the Wall Street Journal reported that Ugandan security officials had worked with Huawei technicians to hack into opposition politician Kyagulanyi’s phone. He had previously been accused of treason and attempted terrorism. This shows how the Ugandan state can create the impression that vocal dissenters are in fact terrorists.

More than that, the Regulation of Interception of Communication Act allows bona fide interception of communication in connection with the provision, installation, maintenance or repair of a telecommunication service. Ugandan internet service providers are required to ensure that their telecommunication systems are technically capable of supporting lawful interception without it being detectable by users. This is an outright breach of privacy.

The Uganda Communications Act is also problematic. In the run-up to the presidential election in 2006, for example, the government used the provisions of the act – which are to monitor, inspect, licence, supervise, control and regulate communications services – to block access to Radio Katwe because the online station was critical of the president.

Shut downs

The other way in which activists are barred from using social media platforms, and the internet, is through shut downs.

Museveni has on several occasions shut down the Internet and blocked access to social media platforms like Facebook, Twitter and WhatsApp.


Read more: Shutting down the internet doesn’t work — but governments keep doing it


The Ugandan government has also introduced a social media tax. The idea was initiated by Museveni, who argued that Ugandans were using social media platforms to gossip. The tax was meant to

raise resources to cope with the consequences.

In today’s Internet era the right to freedom of expression, with all its attendant benefits to democracy, is best exercised online. Any limitation or infringement of this right should be viewed circumspectly. These efforts by the Ugandan government to limit online freedom of expression should be resisted as much as possible.

Additional research was done by Solomon Rukundo. He holds an LLB (Hons) from the University of Dar es Salaam, and a Diploma in Legal Practice from Uganda’s Law Development Centre

How Uganda’s Long serving President(35 yrs in Power), Museveni is using old and new laws to block activists on social media

Ugandan musician-turned-MP Robert ‘Bobi Wine’ Kyagulanyi has been a frequent target of the country’s cyber laws.

Activists who use digital media are protected by international law and protocols that guarantee freedom of expression.

Under international law, freedom of expression is also protected on the internet and mobile devices. It stands to reason then that the same rights enjoyed offline should be enjoyed online.

There are also protections in Africa. For example, the African Charter on Human and Peoples Rights provides that every individual has the right to receive information and to express and disseminate opinions within the law.

The African Commission has also acknowledged the importance of freedom of expression in the digital space. African nations are required by regional law to guarantee the right to freedom of information and expression on the internet.

But these rights aren’t always protected. Take the case of Uganda. Its Constitution protects freedom of expression and the courts have expanded this to include free speech expressed via new forms of technology.

Yet freedom of speech and expression is not a reality in Uganda. The government continues to use domestic laws on electronic communication to crack down on citizens, activists and politicians who criticise the president on the internet.

This is unfortunate. Digital activism in the political sphere is critical. It enables government critics and political activists to hold the government to account. This is clear from the way in which digital platforms like Facebook have been used by opposition politicians. For instance, Robert ‘Bobi Wine’ Kyagulanyi often shares his message on social media when he is barred from traditional media platforms.

This explains why the Ugandan government is reinterpreting old criminal libel laws and enacting new ones to restrict digital activism.

The influence of People power in Uganda’s Politics

Why Uganda is wrong

Activists in Uganda who use social media find themselves vulnerable to action by the state on a number of fronts.

The first is the country’s defamation laws. While courts in KenyaZimbabwe and elsewhere on the continent have held that criminal defamation laws are unconstitutional, in Uganda the state continues to take a hard stance. In 2013 for instance, security minister Muruli Musaka announced the creation of a social media monitoring centre. The aim, he said, was

to weed out those who use it to damage the government and people’s reputations.

Then there is the Computer Misuse Act, under which charges such as cyber harassment and offensive communication can be brought. This has happened frequently against online activists.

For example, in 2016 Swaibu Nsamba Gwogyolonga, a political activist, was arrested and charged with offensive communication. The charge was brought because of a picture he’d posted on Facebook of President Yoweri Museveni lying dead in a coffin.

And in 2017, David Mugema and Jonah Muwanguzi were arrested and charged with offensive communication for posting a song on their social media platforms calling for the resignation of President Museveni.

The most notorious use of these provisions was the recent conviction of Stella Nyanzi. The Makerere University lecturer and human rights activist has a considerable social media following.

She was charged with the offence of cyber harassment after writing a caustic Facebook post in which she called the president “a pair of buttocks” and the first lady “empty-brained”. She subsequently wrote a poem lamenting the fact that the president’s deceased mother had not aborted him.

By using laws such as the Computer Misuse Act, the Ugandan state has criminalised criticism of the president. This runs contrary to the country’s Constitution.

Other laws like the Anti-Terrorism Act are also used to limit freedom of expression. The Act allows the security apparatus to intercept private communication without a warrant while investigating terror activities.

The fear is that the state will brand activists who use social media platforms as terrorists so that it can put them under surveillance.

For instance, in August 2019, the Wall Street Journal reported that Ugandan security officials had worked with Huawei technicians to hack into opposition politician Kyagulanyi’s phone. He had previously been accused of treason and attempted terrorism. This shows how the Ugandan state can create the impression that vocal dissenters are in fact terrorists.

More than that, the Regulation of Interception of Communication Act allows bona fide interception of communication in connection with the provision, installation, maintenance or repair of a telecommunication service. Ugandan internet service providers are required to ensure that their telecommunication systems are technically capable of supporting lawful interception without it being detectable by users. This is an outright breach of privacy.

The Uganda Communications Act is also problematic. In the run-up to the presidential election in 2006, for example, the government used the provisions of the act – which are to monitor, inspect, licence, supervise, control and regulate communications services – to block access to Radio Katwe because the online station was critical of the president.

Shut downs

The other way in which activists are barred from using social media platforms, and the internet, is through shut downs.

Museveni has on several occasions shut down the Internet and blocked access to social media platforms like Facebook, Twitter and WhatsApp.


Read more: Shutting down the internet doesn’t work — but governments keep doing it


The Ugandan government has also introduced a social media tax. The idea was initiated by Museveni, who argued that Ugandans were using social media platforms to gossip. The tax was meant to

raise resources to cope with the consequences.

In today’s Internet era the right to freedom of expression, with all its attendant benefits to democracy, is best exercised online. Any limitation or infringement of this right should be viewed circumspectly. These efforts by the Ugandan government to limit online freedom of expression should be resisted as much as possible.

Additional research was done by Solomon Rukundo. He holds an LLB (Hons) from the University of Dar es Salaam, and a Diploma in Legal Practice from Uganda’s Law Development Centre

Reminding you of the People power coordinators all over Uganda

The launch of people power coordinators

West Nile
Hon. Kasiano Wadri (Team Leader)
Hon. James Acidri
Hin. Oguzu Lee
Habib Asega
Asara Night

Acholi
Hon. Lucy Akello (Team Leader)
Hon. Gilbert Olanya
Hon. Anthony Akol
Olenga Anthony
Okema Santos

Karamoja
Hon. Adom Bildard (Team Leader)
Ayen Bonny
Lopolo Mukulu
Ponyu Badru

Lango
Hon. Jonathan Odur (Team Leader)
Moses Okot P’Bitek
Okello Blick
Isaac Okae

Teso
Hon. Susan Amero (Team Leader)
Elakuna
Ojangone Anthony
George Okoit
Amato Immaculate

Tooro
Kakuru Thomas (Team Leader)
Innocent Tukundane
Medard
Hanifa Said
Nyakato Hassan

Ankole
Hon. Mbwatekamwa Gaffa (Team Leader)
Kakama Moses
Lucas Muhangi
Muhanguzi Kateera Lubega Muzamir
Ayebare Jasper Musherura Daniel
Tuhimbise Rhoda
Byamukama Godfrey

Sebei
Pastor Satid (Team Leader)
Chemonges Benjamin Kwoyen
Satya
Chemiso Kubai

Bunyoro
Hon. Barnabas Tinkasimire (Team Leader)
Nyakato Asinas
Amanyire Rogers
Asiimwe Grace
Atiki

Bugisu
Hon. John Baptist Nambashe (Team Leader)
Anthony Wameli
Wetaka Abas
Sam Mali
Robinah Nadunga

Busoga
Hon. Asuman Basalirwa (Team Leader)
Hon. Paul Mwiru
Mercy Walukamba
Bigirwa Moses
Basakana Hannington

Bukedi
Hon. Nabulindo Agnes (Team Leader)
Hon. Catherine
Sanya Wycliff
Mukasa Abdallah
Yusuf Mutembule

Rwenzori
Hon. Winnie Kiiza (Team Leader)
Hon. Robert Centenary
Wakibanahi Joram
Ndungu James
Musabingo

Kampala Metropolitan
Hon. Medard Ssegona (Team Leader)
Hon. Wakayima Musoke
Naluyima Betty
Samuel Lubega Mukaku
Semugooma

Greater Luweero
Hon Lutamaguzi (Team Leader)
Hon. Brenda Nabukenya
Nanyanzi Shifa
Fomer Luweero Mayor
Sekabira Lawrence

Greater Mubende
Hon. Patrick Nsamba (Team Leader)
Hon. Kalwanga David
Kawuma Digo
Kabuye Frank
Sumaya

Greater Mpigi
Hon. Muwanga Kivumbi (Team Leader)
Aisha Kabanda
Hillary Kiyaga (Hilderman)
Teddy Nambooze
Sadam Gayira

Greater Mukono
Hon. Lulume Bayiga (Team Leader)
Mayor of Mbiko, Kiwanuka Abdullah
Patriko Mujuka
Simbwa

Greater Masaka
Hon. Mathias Mpuuga (Team Leader)
Hon. Sewungu Gonzaga
Hon. Florence Namayanja
Dr. Abed Bwanika
Katerega Muhammad

Youth Wing
Hon. Francis Zaake (Team leader)
Angella Namirembe (Deputy Central)
Bosmic Otim (Deputy North)
Sasi Marvin (Deputy West)
Mariah Natabi (Deputy East)

Institutions
Roy Semboga (Team Leader)
Muhumuza Umaru
Milkah Nabacwa
Tunduru Jonathan
Magulu Mpagi

Women Wing
Flavia Kalule (Team Leader)
Hon. Robinah Ssentongo
Hon. Anna Adeke
Nusifa Nakato
Aturinda Agnes

PWDs
Pastor Robert Mpala Isabirye (Team Leader)
John Lukwago
Kisimizi Nuhu

Arts and Entertainment
Nubian Lee (Team Leader)
Swengere
Ronald Mayinja
Flavia Namulindwa

Informal Sector
Nyanzi Fred Ssentamu (Team Leader)
Nnazzinda Sifa
Okello Richard
Ande Kibirige
Muwanguzi Andrew

Diaspora
Arao Ameny (Team Leader) – USA
Belinda Atim – UK
Patricia – UAE/Dubai
Ali Mawale – SA
Pamela – Sweden

A female VIP driving in a Toyota Land cruiser UAW 534B who is not yet identified has been gunned down

A female VIP driving in a Toyota Landcruiser UAW 534B who is not yet identified has been gunned down along Entebbe express highway together with her body guard & driver.

This is a developing story… details coming up soon

https://www.facebook.com/plugins/post.php?href=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.facebook.com%2Fjbmuwonge%2Fposts%2F499822714184107&width=500″ width=”500″ height=”606″ style=”border:none;overflow:hidden” scrolling=”no” frameborder=”0″ allowTransparency=”true” allow=”encrypted-media

Another motorcare employee reportedly kidnapped.

Nakandi Juliet

Another motorcare employee reportedly kidnapped. Police is anouncing the disappearance of Nakandi Juliet f/a 33yrs muganda by tribe resident of Kisaasi Nakawa division Kla district,she works with Motorcare Uganda the same company which James Kalumba, who went missing on August 8 whose body was found in the wee hours of Monday morning lying dead in a swamp along Entebbe road worked for. Nakandi disappeared yesterday at around 1700 from her work place Motor care jinja road any information leading to her is highly appreciated. A case of disappearance has been opened vide SDRef 48/03/09/2019 of Kira road police station the reporters no is 0781644938