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H.E Bobiwine Response to Museveni’s Statement about World Bank Suspension of Loans to Uganda
RESPONSE TO MR. MUSEVENI’S STATEMENT ON THE SUSPENSION OF LOANS TO UGANDA BY THE WORLD BANK.
Gen Museveni,

Your recent outburst about the World Bank withholding future assistance to Uganda is a clear indication of your ideological disorientation and policy nomadism that has characterised your four-decade rule.
You wasted twenty-seven pages trying to distort history and divert reality, that an average reader was left wondering who is (or has been) in charge of Uganda.
As usual, you took no responsibility for anything that has gone wrong, but blamed everyone else, including imperialists, neo-colonial agents, saboteurs, bureaucrats, technocrats, Cabinet, corrupt politicians, the media, etc. Yet you were quick to claim individual credit for supposed successes.
A careful analysis of your long quarrel reveals the four shaky and misleading grounds for your argument, and the inevitably wrong conclusions you draw. Evidence shows that apart from those you are blaming for Uganda’s failed socio-economic transformation, you are in fact the chief neocolonialist.
Here are four areas that expose the emptiness of your argument:
- DISTORTION OF HISTORY.
First, you repeatedly paint a false and incomplete picture of Uganda before 1986. According to your false narrative, Uganda was a failed state with every imaginable problem, and that 1986 was the year of redemption by the National Resistance Army.
Today’s school-going children and the youthful public in general must know that despite the serious damage that the violence (in which you had a major role), meted out against the quality of life, the State of Uganda owned a string of functional parastatals. It owned viable enterprises, and public infrastructure like district/regional referral hospitals, schools which were not only a source of national pride, but a launch pad for the kick-start that we so much needed. Your regime presided over the theft, and mismanagement of these assets in the name of privatisation.
To date, you cannot account for the demise of the country’s textile, public transport, food processing, leisure facilities, agricultural cooperatives, and manufacturing capacity that made places like Jinja, Bushenyi, Masaka and Mbale shining beacons of the potential that our young country possessed.
You have replaced Uganda’s public capital with miserable gimmicks like Operation Wealth Creation, replaced hitherto thriving agricultural cooperatives with non-starters called SACCOs.
The NRA is not and was never the innocent, well-meaning, and foresighted actor that you portray it to be. It was and remains – as NRM – a corrupt, violent force that has played a major role in the delayed socioeconomic transformation of Uganda. Neo-colonialism is alive and well under you, Sir.
- YOU’RE THE CHIEF SUPPORTER OF NEO–COLONIALISM.
Out of the nine men who have occupied the office of the President in the past 61 years since our supposed independence, you’re the undisputed champion of neo-colonial and neoliberal agendas.
It is under your regime that the sale of public service infrastructure – under the guidance and encouragement of the same World Bank that you are blaming now – occurred.
You have presided over the reckless liberalisation, extreme de-regulation, and sacrifice of our public sector at the altar of foreign interests. We can see through your hypocrisy.
Some of the sacrifices you have offered to the gods and goddesses of Bretton Woods include domestic investors like Sembule Electronics, the Dairy Corporation, and a promising number of locally owned banks. You replaced them with dubious foreign investors like Velupillai Kananathan, Rosa Whittaker, Kristian von Hornsleth, and Enrica Pinetti!
Instead of a local banking industry, we have a foreign-owned, extractive, and poorly regulated commercial banking sector that is designed to defeat local industry through unconscionable lending rates and anti-small and medium enterprise development.
It does not help matters that despite sound policy advice to the contrary, your government continues to borrow from commercial banks, which worsens the fate of the same private sector whose successes you continue to claim.
Under your regime, on the foreign policy front, our country has successively voted in favour of imperialist positions on matters of the so called Global War on Terror, international trade rules, agricultural policy, and education policy at the United Nations General Assembly.
You have excelled at reducing our gallant men and women in uniform to a mercenary force available to the highest bidder. Ugandan troops are doing the bidding of Western interests in several African countries under the contradictory and self-defeating banner of Pan Africanism.
Finally, the deliberate relegation of the critical sector of education to the World Bank and under-regulated, profit-driven private players has ensured that millions of young Ugandans will never access the affordable, state-funded, quality education that you and many in your generation benefitted from — despite your humble background. Show me a better neo-colonialist!
- MISREPRESENTATION OF UGANDA’S DEBT BURDEN.
You pretended to take exception to the large debt burden Uganda has incurred, conceding that the borrowing has been counterproductive. But that statement is incomplete if you do not acknowledge the drivers of our debt burden.
Public sector inefficiency is a significant contributor. How is anybody supposed to take such a claim seriously when you preside over an extensive, taxpayer-funded patronage network that features over seventy ministers, hundreds of Resident District Commissioners (RDCs), countless presidential advisors, ‘special’ assistants, and paramilitary outfits of every sort?And this is to say nothing about the mushrooming of electoral constituencies (or more accurately, gerrymandering) under your direction, which has ballooned the number of elective seats to the point that Parliament alone stands at more than 500 legislators from the initial 30.
On top of this, the Life Presidency you run is a colossal cost to taxpayers, not only because of the officially funded patronage network it enjoys, but also because of the fiscal indiscipline that fuels its regular supplementary (and classified) expenditure requests to Parliament. Budget cuts rarely affect the opulent lifestyle your clique lead, but they destroy critical sectors like public health and education.
Your prioritisation of regime survival has destroyed, among other things, the district, national referral hospital system, and public health infrastructure generally. As a result, the formerly reliable hospitals in Iganga, Itojo, Mbale, Soroti, and Lira are now moribund, understaffed and under-equipped death traps that you replaced with equally miserable health centres. Your salvation lies in the fact that the United States Agency for International Development subsidises your failures by supporting critical public health needs, including catering for our military’s health and medical needs. So who is the neocolonialist here?
The day you reduce on the size and cost of public administration, and use loans for productive purposes (not patronage) is the day your talk about public sector efficiency will be taken seriously by any right-thinking Ugandan.
- FAILED LEADERSHIP AND LACK OF IDEOLOGICAL CONVICTION.
The totality of the above-mentioned three loopholes in your approach to public affairs management is that you have denounced the ideas you preached about in numerous speeches, and wrote about in two books, especially What Is Africa’s Problem? You have also betrayed ideals of Chairman Mao Zedong whom you have always claimed to take as a role model on socioeconomic transformation and national independence. You accused others of intellectual shallowness and lack of ideology, yet you have been their chief agent in the Great Lakes region. What does that say about your own ideological (dis)orientation?
Moreover, you have erroneously conflated economic growth (which is about numbers) with economic development (which is about qualitative change and progress). This is akin to equating growth in terms of the number of years of a human being has, to maturity and responsible adulthood. Economic growth is a function of figures, so it does not tell the full story of wealth distribution and tangible improvement in quality of life indicators. Successive reports issued by the Bureau of Statistics sharply contradict your claims, and affirm the argument and policy propositions we as the National Unity Platform (NUP) have consistently argued.
Accordingly, it is the height of fiction and deceit, for you to make the deliberately false prediction that “in a few years” Uganda’s economy will hit the half-a-trillion dollar mark. A cursory look at the revenue collection challenges the URA has experienced over the past several quarters, and the high mortality rates of SMEs tells you everything you need to dismiss this baseless projection.
The truth is usually brief, so I need not elaborate these self-evident points in the same way you wrote nearly thirty pages to explain your ‘successes’ after almost 40 years in power! That you even had to ‘highlight’ for the country your supposed successes should tell you everything you need to know.
I will therefore conclude this way: based on the evidence I have adduced above, it is the height of irony and hypocrisy that you opened your statement with a Biblical reference from the Common Book of Prayer. I wonder whether you did not feel any sense of shame or contradiction in using that statement.
It is you, Sir, who has left undone what you ought to have done, and did that which you ought not have done. There is no truth in you. Just take a long, hard look in the mirror.
Tokyaswaala, oswaaza buswaaza!
Exclusive
Why Bobi Wine’s Appeal Reflects a Higher Standard of Pan-Africanism

In contemporary African political discourse, few debates have proven as polarizing as the question of international engagement. At the center of this debate stands Bobi Wine, whose decision to engage policymakers in Washington has drawn criticism from some self-identified Pan-Africanists. Their argument is both familiar and emotionally resonant: African problems must be solved exclusively by Africans.
While this position carries an intuitive appeal rooted in sovereignty, dignity, and historical resistance to imperialism, it collapses under closer scrutiny. It fails to account for a critical and often uncomfortable reality: Africa’s political and economic landscapes are already deeply entangled with external power structures.
Reframing the Debate: What Bobi Wine Is—and Is Not—Asking For
A careful and honest reading of Bobi Wine’s position reveals a significant mischaracterization by his critics. He is not calling for foreign governments to intervene in Uganda’s domestic affairs, nor is he outsourcing the responsibility of African self-determination.
His appeal is far more measured, principled, and grounded in accountability:
- An end to unconditional financial assistance to the government of Yoweri Museveni
- A halt to military cooperation and security assistance that can be deployed against civilians
- A reconsideration of diplomatic legitimacy extended to regimes accused of systemic human rights violations
- A call for alignment between professed democratic values and actual foreign policy conduct
In essence, Bobi Wine is not asking for intervention—he is demanding ethical consistency.
To understand the legitimacy of this appeal, one must confront a foundational truth: many African governments do not operate in isolation.
Uganda, like several other nations, has for decades maintained strategic partnerships with global powers, particularly the United States. These relationships encompass:
- Substantial development assistance
- Security sector funding and training
- Intelligence cooperation
- Bilateral trade arrangements
- Diplomatic backing in international forums
These forms of engagement are not neutral. They actively shape the durability and capacity of the state.
During periods of electoral contestation in Uganda, security forces have repeatedly been deployed against opposition actors and civilians. Reports of excessive force—including arbitrary detention, suppression of assembly, and violent crowd control—have been widely documented.
Yet, these same institutions often benefit from foreign-funded training programs, logistical support, and operational partnerships.
This creates a troubling paradox:
External actors, while advocating for democratic norms, may simultaneously be reinforcing the instruments through which those norms are undermined.
Criticism of Bobi Wine often rests on a conceptual conflation—treating his appeal as a request for foreign intervention. This is a fundamental misreading.
There exists a clear and important distinction:
- Intervention implies external actors assuming an active role in resolving domestic political challenges
- Non-complicity demands that external actors refrain from enabling injustice
Bobi Wine’s position falls squarely within the latter.
A Simple Analogy
If an external partner is:
- Providing financial resources
- Offering military support
- Extending political legitimacy
Then that partner is already a participant in the broader political ecosystem.
Requesting that such participation adhere to ethical standards is not a surrender of sovereignty—it is an assertion of moral accountability within interconnected systems.
Authoritarian regimes derive significant advantage from the containment of dissent within national boundaries. When opposition movements remain localized:
- Information flows can be restricted
- Narratives can be controlled
- Repressive measures can be executed with minimal scrutiny
However, once domestic grievances enter the international arena, the calculus shifts.
Across multiple contexts, international exposure has led to:
- Targeted sanctions against political elites
- Suspension or conditional restructuring of foreign aid
- Diplomatic isolation
- Increased global advocacy and media coverage
These mechanisms do not immediately dismantle authoritarian systems, but they increase the political and economic costs of repression, thereby altering incentives over time.
One of the more contentious elements of Bobi Wine’s advocacy is his support for sanctions. Critics often portray sanctions as inherently anti-African or as tools of external domination. This perspective, however, overlooks the nuanced reality of targeted sanctions.
Targeted sanctions are designed to:
- Affect specific individuals or entities responsible for misconduct
- Limit access to international financial systems
- Impose travel restrictions
- Freeze assets linked to corruption or abuse
They are not aimed at punishing entire populations but at holding decision-makers accountable.
In various global contexts, targeted sanctions have successfully:
- Restricted the mobility of political elites
- Disrupted financial networks tied to corruption
- Signaled international disapproval in concrete, measurable ways
When applied judiciously, they serve as non-violent tools of pressure aligned with the pursuit of justice.
Exposing a Deeper Contradiction: Values vs. Interests
At a broader level, Bobi Wine’s engagement with international actors exposes a fundamental tension within global politics—the divergence between stated values and strategic interests.
Western governments frequently articulate commitments to:
- Democracy
- Human rights
- Rule of law
Yet, in practice, these commitments are often balanced against:
- Security partnerships
- Economic interests
- Geopolitical strategy
This produces a persistent inconsistency:
Governments that champion democratic ideals may simultaneously sustain relationships with regimes that contradict those ideals.
Bobi Wine’s appeal forces a confrontation with this contradiction.
The critique that engaging international actors undermines Pan-Africanism rests on a selective interpretation of the philosophy.
True Pan-Africanism is not merely about rejecting external influence—it is about defending the dignity, agency, and well-being of African people.
This requires consistency.
If it is acceptable for governments to:
- Receive foreign aid
- Engage in military partnerships
- Depend on international legitimacy
Then it must also be acceptable for citizens to:
- Seek international solidarity
- Demand accountability from external actors
- Utilize global mechanisms to support domestic struggles
To argue otherwise is to create a double standard that privileges power over people.
A Modern Understanding of Power and Resistance
In an era of globalization, power is no longer confined within national borders. Financial systems, security networks, and diplomatic relations operate across interconnected global frameworks.
As such, effective resistance must also evolve.
Bobi Wine’s approach reflects a strategic synthesis of:
- Local mobilization and grassroots activism
- Regional cooperation within Africa
- Principled international engagement
This is not a departure from Pan-Africanism—it is its adaptation to contemporary realities.
Ultimately, Bobi Wine’s message is neither radical nor unreasonable. It is, in fact, profoundly simple:
- Do not fund systems that suppress citizens
- Do not arm institutions that violate human rights
- Do not legitimize leadership that undermines democratic principles
He is not asking the world to solve Uganda’s problems.
He is asking it to stop contributing to them.
In doing so, he elevates the conversation beyond slogans and into the realm of principled, consistent, and globally aware Pan-Africanism—one that recognizes that true liberation requires confronting both internal oppression and external complicity.
Exclusive
Bobi Wine Begins High-Level Meetings on Capital Hill Washington
Bobi Wine Begins High-Level Meetings on Capital Hill Washington
In a single image posted from Washington, D.C., Robert Kyagulanyi Ssentamuwidely known as Bobi Wine signaled a decisive shift in Uganda’s political struggle. Standing in front of the United States Capitol, dressed in a sharp, statesmanlike suit and holding a file, his message was simple but loaded: “Started my international engagements… #FreeUgandaNow.”
It was more than a photo. It was a declaration.
For weeks following Uganda’s deeply contested 2026 presidential election, Bobi Wine had been at the center of an intensifying political storm. His campaign unfolded under extraordinary pressure marked by arrests, violent crackdowns, and a heavy military presence that restricted his movements across the country. In the aftermath, he rejected the official results, dismissed the credibility of judicial redress, and challenged both Ugandans and the international community to confront what he described as a fundamentally compromised electoral process.
Now, his reappearance is not in Kampala—but in Washington.
For nearly two months, Bobi Wine remained out of public view, navigating what those close to him describe as a sustained and dangerous manhunt. Security forces reportedly conducted raids on homes of his associates, relatives, and political allies, searching for any trace of his whereabouts. Checkpoints, surveillance, and intelligence operations intensified across areas where he was believed to be.
This was not merely a political standoff. It was a high-risk environment in which the line between political pressure and personal danger appeared increasingly blurred.
During that period, his residence remained under tight control, effectively transformed into a restricted zone under military watch. Access was limited, movements monitored, and the space around his home carried the weight of a place no longer functioning as a private residence—but as a symbol of state power.
When communication eventually came, it was measured and deliberate. Bobi Wine confirmed that he had left Uganda but only temporarily. The message was carefully framed: this was not an exit from the struggle, but a repositioning within it.
Now, standing on Capitol Hill, that repositioning is fully visible. What stands out even more is the wording of his message: “Started my international engagements today with meetings on Capitol Hill, in Washington DC.” This is not casual language. It signals structure, intention, and continuity. The use of the word “started” suggests this is only the beginning of a broader international push. “Engagements” points to formal, organized interactions—not symbolic visits, but deliberate meetings.
By stepping into the international arena, Bobi Wine is redefining the scope of Uganda’s political crisis. No longer confined within national borders, Bobi Wine is effectively moving the Ugandan political question beyond national borders and into the arena of international diplomacy. The choice of location—the United States Capitol—is strategic. The symbolism of the location is deliberate, this is the heart of American legislative power, where foreign policy decisions are debated, shaped, and sometimes enforced.
This is where narratives shift—from local contestation to global concern.

At the same time, his presence there reflects a broader transformation in his political identity. He is no longer only an opposition figure resisting internal structures of power. He is positioning himself as a global advocate for democratic accountability, engaging institutions capable of exerting influence beyond Uganda’s internal mechanisms.
Yet, as with all such moments, the reaction has been immediate—and revealing.
Back home, a parallel narrative has already begun to take shape. Regime-aligned voices and propagandists have moved quickly to reframe his departure, attempting to portray it as abandonment, weakness, or political retreat. Media platforms sympathetic to the establishment have amplified these interpretations, questioning his decision to leave the country and seeking to dilute the significance of his international engagement.
This pattern is not unfamiliar. Across different political contexts, governments facing strong opposition often respond not only through force, but through narrative control—shaping perception as much as reality.
What is particularly striking, however, is where the loudest criticism is coming from. Many of those most vocal in condemning his departure are not neutral observers, but longstanding opponents. In many ways, their reaction underscores an uncomfortable truth: his absence from Uganda does not diminish his influence—it redistributes it.
If anything, it expands it.
Because while he may no longer be physically present within Uganda’s borders, his message has now entered spaces that are far more difficult to contain.
And this is where the deeper significance of the moment lies.
Bobi Wine’s journey from a heavily restricted campaign trail, through weeks of concealment under threat, to a public re-emergence on one of the world’s most powerful political stages, is not a story of retreat. It is a story of transition—from immediate survival to long-term strategy.
At the same time, the visual composition of the moment matters. His appearance—formal, composed, deliberate—projects authority and readiness. It suggests a leader not in retreat, but in transition. Not silenced, but repositioned.
This is not exile. It is recalibration.
For Uganda’s political landscape, this development carries significant implications. International engagement has the potential to amplify scrutiny on the government of Yoweri Kaguta Museveni, drawing attention from institutions such as the United Nations and the European Union, as well as from influential policymakers in Washington. It opens the door to conversations about diplomatic pressure, human rights accountability, and the legitimacy of electoral processes.
The risks that defined his final days in Uganda have not disappeared. His home remains under watch. His network continues to face pressure. The conditions that forced him into hiding still exist.
But the arena has changed.
From the streets of Kampala to the halls of Capitol Hill, the struggle has moved—carrying with it not just the weight of a disputed election, but the attention of a watching world.
And in that shift, a new phase has begun.
Exclusive
When Elections Are Stolen and Voices Are Silenced: What Citizens Must Do to Reclaim Their Country
Across history, there comes a moment in every nation when citizens must confront a difficult truth: the systems meant to protect democracy have been captured. Elections no longer represent the will of the people. Courts become instruments of power. Security forces are deployed not to defend the nation but to intimidate the nation’s own citizens.

In such circumstances, people begin to ask a profound question:
What can citizens do when democratic channels are blocked?
This question is not unique to Uganda. Nations across the world have faced similar moments. In the Philippines, millions rose peacefully during the People Power Revolution and forced the removal of Ferdinand Marcos. In Sudan, sustained civic resistance during the Sudanese Revolution brought down Omar al-Bashir after three decades in power. In Eastern Europe, millions withdrew cooperation from communist regimes, triggering the collapse of governments once believed to be permanent.
These examples reveal a powerful lesson: dictatorships survive only as long as society continues to cooperate with them.
When that cooperation begins to collapse, even the most entrenched regimes start to weaken.
This article is not a call for violence. History shows that violent revolutions often lead to devastating consequences and prolonged instability. Instead, this is a strategic reflection on how citizens organize, mobilize, and reclaim their countries through collective civic power.
For Ugandans who seek change, the struggle requires clarity, unity, patience, and courage.
Understanding the Reality of Authoritarian Power
Before discussing what citizens must do, it is important to understand a fundamental truth about authoritarian systems.
A dictatorship is not sustained by one individual alone. It is supported by a network of institutions and actors, including:
security forces government officials business elites state media civil servants political loyalists
If these pillars continue to function normally, the system remains stable.
But if enough people withdraw cooperation from these pillars, the system begins to crack.
Political scholar Gene Sharp studied hundreds of movements worldwide and concluded that the most successful struggles against authoritarian rule rely on organized non-violent resistance and mass civic participation.
The key is not isolated protest.
The key is strategic, nationwide civic action.
What Ugandans Must Understand About Power
Power does not only exist in State House, parliament, or military barracks.
Power exists in:
the markets the streets universities workplaces churches and mosques taxi parks villages and towns
A government ultimately depends on the cooperation of its citizens to function.
When citizens become organized and coordinated, they possess a form of power that even heavily armed regimes struggle to control.
What Citizens Must Begin to Do
1. Build Unity Across All Divisions
One of the greatest strengths of authoritarian regimes is division among the people.
Citizens are divided by:
ethnicity religion region political parties class
As long as people remain divided, resistance remains weak.
But when citizens begin to see themselves first as Ugandans with a shared destiny, the dynamic changes completely.
Successful civic movements always create broad coalitions that include:
youth movements workers and labor unions students religious leaders professionals artists and cultural voices rural communities
The moment a movement becomes national rather than partisan, its power multiplies.

2. Withdraw Cooperation From Oppression
Authoritarian systems rely on the routine cooperation of ordinary people.
Citizens unknowingly sustain oppressive systems through daily participation.
History shows that withdrawing cooperation can be one of the most powerful tools available to citizens.
This can take many forms:
peaceful strikes by workers refusal to participate in corrupt systems boycotts of regime-connected businesses collective civic actions that demonstrate public dissatisfaction
When such actions spread widely across society, governments face enormous pressure.
The economic and administrative machinery of the state begins to slow.
3. Control the Narrative
Dictatorships depend heavily on controlling information.
State propaganda attempts to shape how citizens perceive reality.
Independent voices are often silenced or intimidated.
But modern citizens possess tools that previous generations did not.
Information can spread through:
independent journalism diaspora media networks social platforms citizen documentation of abuses international advocacy
When the truth about repression becomes widely known—both domestically and internationally—it undermines the regime’s legitimacy.

4. Organize, Not Just Protest
Spontaneous protests can express anger, but lasting change requires organization.
Citizens must build structured networks capable of sustained action.
These networks may include:
civic organizations youth movements professional associations community leadership groups grassroots mobilization teams
Organization transforms frustration into strategic pressure.
Without organization, movements quickly lose momentum.

5. Build Parallel Civic Structures
When official institutions no longer represent the people, societies often begin creating alternative civic structures.
These may include:
independent community organizations grassroots leadership councils civic education networks volunteer community services
Such structures strengthen civil society and gradually reduce dependence on state-controlled institutions.

6. Encourage Courage Within Institutions
Many people within government institutions quietly disagree with authoritarian leadership but feel isolated or fearful.
History shows that change often accelerates when individuals inside institutions begin to question orders or withdraw loyalty.
This does not happen overnight.
But when citizens demonstrate unity and determination, it can inspire cracks within the ruling system.
7. Maintain Strategic Discipline
One of the most common mistakes resistance movements make is allowing anger to turn into uncontrolled confrontation.
Authoritarian regimes often provoke violence intentionally because it allows them to justify brutal crackdowns.
Disciplined movements focus on:
maintaining non-violent methods protecting civilians preserving moral legitimacy
This approach strengthens public support both domestically and internationally.
8. Learn From Other Nations
Africa itself offers powerful examples of citizen movements.
In Burkina Faso, a popular uprising in 2014 forced the resignation of Blaise Compaoré after nearly three decades in power.
In Sudan, civic groups, professionals, and youth organizations sustained protests that eventually removed Omar al-Bashir.
In the Philippines, millions of citizens peacefully occupied streets during the People Power Revolution, leading to the fall of Ferdinand Marcos.
These movements succeeded because citizens became organized, united, and persistent.
The Long Road to Change
It is important for citizens to understand that the struggle for democratic change is rarely quick.
Many successful movements took years—sometimes decades.
There will be setbacks.
There will be moments of fear.
There will be attempts to divide the people.
But history consistently shows that no regime can permanently govern against the will of a united population.
The real question is not whether change is possible.
The real question is whether citizens are prepared to organize patiently and strategically to achieve it.
The Responsibility of Every Ugandan
The future of any nation is ultimately shaped not only by its leaders but by the courage and determination of its citizens.
Every generation reaches a point where it must decide:
Will we accept the situation as permanent?
Or will we work collectively to build the country we want?
The path toward democratic transformation requires:
unity discipline organization courage persistence
When citizens recognize their collective strength and act together, history has shown that even the most entrenched systems of power can change.
The story of Uganda’s future will not be written by one individual.
It will be written by millions of citizens who decide that their nation deserves better.
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