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NEVER BOW DOWN TO A DICTATOR.

Published

4 years ago

January 31, 2022

JBMuwonge

WHEN FACED WITH THE SEVERE PROBLEMS of confronting a dictatorship, some people may lapse back into passive submission. Others, seeing no prospect of achieving democracy, may conclude they must come to terms with the apparently permanent dictatorship, hoping that through “conciliation,” “compromise,” and “negotiations” they might be able to salvage some positive elements and to end the brutalities. On the surface, lacking realistic options, there is appeal in that line of thinking.

Serious struggle against brutal dictatorships is not a pleasant prospect. Why is it necessary to go that route? Can’t everyone just be reasonable and find ways to talk, to negotiate the way to a gradual end to the dictatorship? Can’t the democrats appeal to the dictators’ sense of common humanity and convince them to reduce their domination bit by bit, and perhaps finally to give way completely to the establishment of a democracy?

It is sometimes argued that the truth is not all on one side. Perhaps the democrats have misunderstood the dictators, who may have acted from good motives in difficult circumstances? Or perhaps, some may think, the dictators would gladly remove themselves from the difficult situation facing the country if only given some encouragement and enticements. It may be argued that the dictators could be offered a “win-win” solution, in which everyone gains something. The risks and pain of further struggle could be unnecessary, it may be

argued, if the democratic opposition is only willing to settle the conflict peacefully by negotiations (which may even perhaps be assisted by some skilled individuals or even another government). Would that not be preferable to a difficult struggle, even if it is one conducted by nonviolent struggle rather than by military war?

Merits and limitations of negotiations

Negotiations are a very useful tool in resolving certain types of issues in conflicts and should not be neglected or rejected when they are appropriate. In some situations where no fundamental issues are at stake, and therefore a compromise is acceptable, negotiations can be an important means to settle a conflict.

A labor strike for higher wages is a good example of the appropriate role of negotiations in a conflict: a negotiated settlement may provide an increase somewhere between the sums originally proposed by each of the contending sides. Labor conflicts with legal trade unions are, however, quite different than the conflicts in which the continued existence of a cruel dictatorship or the establishment of political freedom are at stake.

When the issues at stake are fundamental, affecting religious principles, issues of human freedom, or the whole future development of the society, negotiations do not provide a way of reaching a mutually satisfactory solution. On some basic issues there should be no compromise.

Only a shift in power relations in favor of the democrats can adequately safeguard the basic issues at stake. Such a shift will occur through struggle, not negotiations.

This is not to say that negotiations ought never to be used. The point here is that negotiations are not a realistic way to remove a strong dictatorship in the absence of a powerful democratic opposition.

Negotiations, of course, may not be an option at all. Firmly entrenched dictators who feel secure in their position may refuse to negotiate with their democratic opponents. Or, when negotiations have been initiated, the democratic negotiators may disappear and never be heard from again.

Negotiated surrender?

Individuals and groups who oppose dictatorship and favor negotiations will often

have good motives. Especially when a military struggle has continued for years

against a brutal dictatorship without final victory, it is understandable that all the

people of whatever political persuasion would want peace. Negotiations are

especially likely to become an issue among democrats where the dictators have

clear military superiority and the destruction and casualties among one’s own

people are no longer bearable. There will then be a strong temptation to explore

any other route that might salvage some of the democrats’ objectives while

bringing an end to the cycle of violence and counter-violence.

The offer by a dictatorship of “peace” through negotiations with the

democratic opposition is, of course, rather disingenuous. The violence could be

ended immediately by the dictators themselves, if only they would stop waging

war on their own people. They could at their own initiative without any

bargaining restore respect for human dignity and rights, free political prisoners,

end torture, halt military operations, withdraw from the government, and apologize to the people.

When the dictatorship is strong but an irritating resistance exists, the dictators

may wish to negotiate the opposition into surrender under the guise of making

“peace.” The call to negotiate can sound appealing, but grave dangers can be

lurking within the negotiating room.

On the other hand, when the opposition is exceptionally strong and the

dictatorship is genuinely threatened, the dictators may seek negotiations in order

to salvage as much of their control or wealth as possible. In neither case should

the democrats help the dictators achieve their goals.

Democrats should be wary of the traps that may be deliberately built into a

negotiation process by the dictators. The call for negotiations when basic issues

of political liberties are involved may be an effort by the dictators to induce the

democrats to surrender peacefully while the violence of the dictatorship

continues. In those types of conflicts the only proper role of negotiations may

occur at the end of a decisive struggle in which the power of the dictators has

been effectively destroyed and they seek personal safe passage to an

international airport.

Power and justice in negotiations

If this judgment sounds too harsh a commentary on negotiations, perhaps some

of the romanticism associated with them needs to be moderated. Clear thinking

is required as to how negotiations operate.

“Negotiation” does not mean that the two sides sit down together on a basis of

equality and talk through and resolve the differences that produced the conflict

between them. Two facts must be remembered. First, in negotiations it is not the

relative justice of the conflicting views and objectives that determines the

content of a negotiated agreement. Second, the content of a negotiated

agreement is largely determined by the power capacity of each side.

Several difficult questions must be considered. What can each side do at a

later date to gain its objectives if the other side fails to come to an agreement at

the negotiating table? What can each side do after an agreement is reached if the

other side breaks its word and uses its available forces to seize its objectives

despite the agreement?

A settlement is not reached in negotiations through an assessment of the rights

and wrongs of the issues at stake. While those may be much discussed, the real

results in negotiations come from an assessment of the absolute and relative

power situations of the contending groups. What can the democrats do to ensure

that their minimum claims cannot be denied? What can the dictators do to stay in

control and neutralize the democrats? In other words, if an agreement comes, it

is more likely the result of each side estimating how the power capacities of the

two sides compare, and then calculating how an open struggle might end.

Attention must also be given to what each side is willing to give up in order to

reach agreement. In successful negotiations there is compromise, a splitting of

differences. Each side gets part of what it wants and gives up part of its

objectives.

In the case of extreme dictatorships what are the pro-democracy forces to give

up to the dictators? What objectives of the dictators are the pro-democracy

forces to accept? Are the democrats to give to the dictators (whether a political

party or a military cabal) a constitutionally established permanent role in the

future government? Where is the democracy in that?

Even assuming that all goes well in negotiations, it is necessary to ask: What

kind of peace will be the result? Will life then be better or worse than it would be

if the democrats began or continued to struggle?

“Agreeable” dictators

Dictators may have a variety of motives and objectives underlying their

domination: power, position, wealth, reshaping the society, and the like. One

should remember that none of these will be served if they abandon their control

positions. In the event of negotiations dictators will try to preserve their goals.

Whatever promises offered by dictators in any negotiated settlement, no one

should ever forget that the dictators may promise anything to secure submission

from their democratic opponents, and then brazenly violate those same

agreements.

If the democrats agree to halt resistance in order to gain a reprieve from

repression, they may be very disappointed. A halt to resistance rarely brings

reduced repression. Once the restraining force of internal and international

opposition has been removed, dictators may even make their oppression and

violence more brutal than before. The collapse of popular resistance often

removes the countervailing force that has limited the control and brutality of the

dictatorship. The tyrants can then move ahead against whomever they wish. “For

the tyrant has the power to inflict only that which we lack the strength to resist,”

wrote Krishnalal Shridharani

Resistance, not negotiations, is essential for change in conflicts where

fundamental issues are at stake. In nearly all cases, resistance must continue to

drive dictators out of power. Success is most often determined not by negotiating

a settlement but through the wise use of the most appropriate and powerful

means of resistance available. It is our contention, to be explored later in more

detail, that political defiance, or nonviolent struggle, is the most powerful means

available to those struggling for freedom.

What kind of peace?

If dictators and democrats are to talk about peace at all, extremely clear thinking

is needed because of the dangers involved. Not everyone who uses the word

“peace” wants peace with freedom and justice. Submission to cruel oppression

and passive acquiescence to ruthless dictators who have perpetrated atrocities on

hundreds of thousands of people is no real peace. Hitler often called for peace,

by which he meant submission to his will. A dictators’ peace is often no more

than the peace of the prison or of the grave.

There are other dangers. Well-intended negotiators sometimes confuse the

objectives of the negotiations and the negotiation process itself. Further,

democratic negotiators, or foreign negotiation specialists accepted to assist in the

negotiations, may in a single stroke provide the dictators with the domestic and

international legitimacy that they had been previously denied because of their

seizure of the state, human rights violations, and brutalities. Without that

desperately needed legitimacy, the dictators cannot continue to rule indefinitely.

Exponents of peace should not provide them legitimacy.

Reasons for hope

As stated earlier, opposition leaders may feel forced to pursue negotiations out of

a sense of hopelessness of the democratic struggle. However, that sense of

powerlessness can be changed. Dictatorships are not permanent. People living

under dictatorships need not remain weak, and dictators need not be allowed to

remain powerful indefinitely. Aristotle noted long ago, “… [O]ligarchy and

tyranny are shorter-lived than any other constitution… [A]ll round, tyrannies

have not lasted long.”Modern dictatorships are also vulnerable. Their weaknesses can be aggravated and the dictators’ power can be disintegrated.

Recent history shows the vulnerability of dictatorships, and reveals that they

can crumble in a relatively short time span: whereas ten years – 1980–1990 –

were required to bring down the Communist dictatorship in Poland, in East

Germany and Czechoslovakia in 1989 it occurred within weeks. In El Salvador

and Guatemala in 1944 the struggles against the entrenched brutal military

dictators required approximately two weeks each. The militarily powerful

regime of the Shah in Iran was undermined in a few months. The Marcos

dictatorship in the Philippines fell before people power within weeks in 1986:

the United States government quickly abandoned President Marcos when the

strength of the opposition became apparent. The attempted hard-line coup in the

Soviet Union in August 1991 was blocked in days by political defiance.

Thereafter, many of its long dominated constituent nations in only days, weeks,

and months regained their independence.

The old preconception that violent means always work quickly and nonviolent means always require vast time is clearly not valid. Although much time may be required for changes in the underlying situation and society, the actual fight against a dictatorship sometimes occurs relatively quickly by nonviolent struggle.

Negotiations are not the only alternative to a continuing war of annihilation on the one hand and capitulation on the other. The examples just cited, illustrate that another option exists for those who want both peace and freedom: political defiance.

An extract from From dictatorship to Democracy.

Exclusive

When Elections Are Stolen and Voices Are Silenced: What Citizens Must Do to Reclaim Their Country

Published

5 days ago

March 9, 2026

JBMuwonge

Across history, there comes a moment in every nation when citizens must confront a difficult truth: the systems meant to protect democracy have been captured. Elections no longer represent the will of the people. Courts become instruments of power. Security forces are deployed not to defend the nation but to intimidate the nation’s own citizens.

In such circumstances, people begin to ask a profound question:

What can citizens do when democratic channels are blocked?

This question is not unique to Uganda. Nations across the world have faced similar moments. In the Philippines, millions rose peacefully during the People Power Revolution and forced the removal of Ferdinand Marcos. In Sudan, sustained civic resistance during the Sudanese Revolution brought down Omar al-Bashir after three decades in power. In Eastern Europe, millions withdrew cooperation from communist regimes, triggering the collapse of governments once believed to be permanent.

These examples reveal a powerful lesson: dictatorships survive only as long as society continues to cooperate with them.

When that cooperation begins to collapse, even the most entrenched regimes start to weaken.

This article is not a call for violence. History shows that violent revolutions often lead to devastating consequences and prolonged instability. Instead, this is a strategic reflection on how citizens organize, mobilize, and reclaim their countries through collective civic power.

For Ugandans who seek change, the struggle requires clarity, unity, patience, and courage.

Understanding the Reality of Authoritarian Power

Before discussing what citizens must do, it is important to understand a fundamental truth about authoritarian systems.

A dictatorship is not sustained by one individual alone. It is supported by a network of institutions and actors, including:

security forces government officials business elites state media civil servants political loyalists

If these pillars continue to function normally, the system remains stable.

But if enough people withdraw cooperation from these pillars, the system begins to crack.

Political scholar Gene Sharp studied hundreds of movements worldwide and concluded that the most successful struggles against authoritarian rule rely on organized non-violent resistance and mass civic participation.

The key is not isolated protest.

The key is strategic, nationwide civic action.

What Ugandans Must Understand About Power

Power does not only exist in State House, parliament, or military barracks.

Power exists in:

the markets the streets universities workplaces churches and mosques taxi parks villages and towns

A government ultimately depends on the cooperation of its citizens to function.

When citizens become organized and coordinated, they possess a form of power that even heavily armed regimes struggle to control.

What Citizens Must Begin to Do

1. Build Unity Across All Divisions

One of the greatest strengths of authoritarian regimes is division among the people.

Citizens are divided by:

ethnicity religion region political parties class

As long as people remain divided, resistance remains weak.

But when citizens begin to see themselves first as Ugandans with a shared destiny, the dynamic changes completely.

Successful civic movements always create broad coalitions that include:

youth movements workers and labor unions students religious leaders professionals artists and cultural voices rural communities

The moment a movement becomes national rather than partisan, its power multiplies.

2. Withdraw Cooperation From Oppression

Authoritarian systems rely on the routine cooperation of ordinary people.

Citizens unknowingly sustain oppressive systems through daily participation.

History shows that withdrawing cooperation can be one of the most powerful tools available to citizens.

This can take many forms:

peaceful strikes by workers refusal to participate in corrupt systems boycotts of regime-connected businesses collective civic actions that demonstrate public dissatisfaction

When such actions spread widely across society, governments face enormous pressure.

The economic and administrative machinery of the state begins to slow.

3. Control the Narrative

Dictatorships depend heavily on controlling information.

State propaganda attempts to shape how citizens perceive reality.

Independent voices are often silenced or intimidated.

But modern citizens possess tools that previous generations did not.

Information can spread through:

independent journalism diaspora media networks social platforms citizen documentation of abuses international advocacy

When the truth about repression becomes widely known—both domestically and internationally—it undermines the regime’s legitimacy.

4. Organize, Not Just Protest

Spontaneous protests can express anger, but lasting change requires organization.

Citizens must build structured networks capable of sustained action.

These networks may include:

civic organizations youth movements professional associations community leadership groups grassroots mobilization teams

Organization transforms frustration into strategic pressure.

Without organization, movements quickly lose momentum.

5. Build Parallel Civic Structures

When official institutions no longer represent the people, societies often begin creating alternative civic structures.

These may include:

independent community organizations grassroots leadership councils civic education networks volunteer community services

Such structures strengthen civil society and gradually reduce dependence on state-controlled institutions.

6. Encourage Courage Within Institutions

Many people within government institutions quietly disagree with authoritarian leadership but feel isolated or fearful.

History shows that change often accelerates when individuals inside institutions begin to question orders or withdraw loyalty.

This does not happen overnight.

But when citizens demonstrate unity and determination, it can inspire cracks within the ruling system.

7. Maintain Strategic Discipline

One of the most common mistakes resistance movements make is allowing anger to turn into uncontrolled confrontation.

Authoritarian regimes often provoke violence intentionally because it allows them to justify brutal crackdowns.

Disciplined movements focus on:

maintaining non-violent methods protecting civilians preserving moral legitimacy

This approach strengthens public support both domestically and internationally.

8. Learn From Other Nations

Africa itself offers powerful examples of citizen movements.

In Burkina Faso, a popular uprising in 2014 forced the resignation of Blaise Compaoré after nearly three decades in power.

In Sudan, civic groups, professionals, and youth organizations sustained protests that eventually removed Omar al-Bashir.

In the Philippines, millions of citizens peacefully occupied streets during the People Power Revolution, leading to the fall of Ferdinand Marcos.

These movements succeeded because citizens became organized, united, and persistent.

The Long Road to Change

It is important for citizens to understand that the struggle for democratic change is rarely quick.

Many successful movements took years—sometimes decades.

There will be setbacks.

There will be moments of fear.

There will be attempts to divide the people.

But history consistently shows that no regime can permanently govern against the will of a united population.

The real question is not whether change is possible.

The real question is whether citizens are prepared to organize patiently and strategically to achieve it.

The Responsibility of Every Ugandan

The future of any nation is ultimately shaped not only by its leaders but by the courage and determination of its citizens.

Every generation reaches a point where it must decide:

Will we accept the situation as permanent?

Or will we work collectively to build the country we want?

The path toward democratic transformation requires:

unity discipline organization courage persistence

When citizens recognize their collective strength and act together, history has shown that even the most entrenched systems of power can change.

The story of Uganda’s future will not be written by one individual.

It will be written by millions of citizens who decide that their nation deserves better.

Exclusive

Bobi Wine Named 2026 Hero of Democracy: What It Means for Uganda’s Struggle for Freedom

Published

2 weeks ago

March 3, 2026

JBMuwonge

In a landmark recognition, Bobi Wine has been named one of the 2026 Heroes of Democracy by the Renew Democracy Initiative (RDI). This prestigious global acknowledgment honors individuals who demonstrate extraordinary courage in defending democratic values, human rights, and freedom, often at great personal risk.

In a significant shift in international recognition, Bobi Wine has been named one of the 2026 Heroes of Democracy by the Renew Democracy Initiative (RDI). This honor is aimed at individuals around the world who have shown extraordinary courage in defending democratic values, human rights, and freedom — often in the face of intense personal risk.

For millions of Ugandans who support him and yearn for change, this recognition is more than symbolic. It highlights the ongoing struggle for political freedom inside Uganda and raises the visibility of that struggle internationally — even as it underscores how difficult, complex, and unfinished that struggle still is.

About the Renew Democracy Initiative (RDI)

The Renew Democracy Initiative (RDI) is a non‑partisan, non‑profit advocacy organization based in the United States, founded in 2017 by former world chess champion and political dissident Garry Kasparov. RDI’s mission is to strengthen and “renew” liberal democratic values worldwide, counter authoritarian influence, and inspire informed citizen engagement in defending freedom.

RDI’s work includes:

Education & Dialogue: Sharing articles, media, and hosting events that explain democratic principles and draw attention to threats — including misinformation, erosion of civil liberties, and authoritarian influence.
Advocacy: Engaging global policymakers and thought leaders to support democratic reforms in countries under pressure.
Support for Dissidents: Amplifying voices of activists and political leaders who are challenging authoritarian rule within their own countries.
Humanitarian Aid: RDI sometimes supports democracies under duress with humanitarian assistance, particularly where conflicts or oppressive governance have worsened conditions for ordinary citizens.

Through these channels, RDI has become a platform not just for commentary, but for honoring and shining a spotlight on individuals who stand defiantly against authoritarian power.

“Honoring individuals like Bobi Wine shows that the world stands with those who fight for freedom, even under the greatest risk.” – RDI

Why Bobi Wine Was Honored

Bobi Wine’s life and political journey illustrate why he was chosen as a Hero of Democracy:

From Music to Politics

Born Robert Kyagulanyi Ssentamu in 1982, Bobi Wine rose from poverty in Kampala’s slums to become one of Uganda’s most successful musicians. His early music carried socially conscious messages that resonated with young people and poor communities alike. Over time, his platform transitioned from music to politics — driven by a desire to challenge systemic inequality and authoritarian control in Uganda, culminating in the founding of the People Power, Our Power movement, which seeks to unite Ugandans against corruption, state repression, and entrenched political elites.

Facing Harassment and Repression

Bobi Wine’s political activism has repeatedly brought him into conflict with the Ugandan state. He has faced arrests, intimidation, and violent reprisals from security forces. Opponents of his movement have been detained without explanation, and supporters have faced policing that critics describe as repression rather than law enforcement.

Unyielding opposition to entrenched rule

Despite repeated arrests, intimidation, and violent repression by state security forces, Bobi Wine has continued to challenge the political dominance of President Yoweri Museveni, who has ruled Uganda since 1986. Under Museveni’s leadership, state institutions — including the police, judiciary, and electoral bodies — have been criticised by international observers for failing to uphold democratic norms and fairness. The European Parliament has documented reports of harassment, intimidation and arrests of opposition figures and supporters during the 2026 post‑election period, even as Museveni was declared the winner of a seventh term.

Global advocacy and human rights spotlight

In February 2026, Bobi Wine addressed the Geneva Summit for Human Rights and Democracy, one of the world’s most respected international gatherings on human rights issues, a prominent global forum that convenes activists, former political prisoners, diplomats, and international advocates. From a remote location, he called for international attention and accountability for human rights abuses in Uganda, including threats, intimidation, and heightened security measures against opposition figures — explaining that even his family had been forced to seek safety abroad amid rising tensions.

Ugandans are fighting not just for leadership change, but for the restoration of dignity and fundamental rights.” – Bobi Wine, Geneva Summit 2026

Calls for international action and accountability

At a session of the European Parliament, Bobi Wine urged the European Union to consider targeted sanctions against senior figures in Uganda’s security establishment — including Gen. Muhoozi Kainerugaba, the President’s son and powerful military commander — for alleged human rights abuses and the erosion of democratic processes in the country. He stressed that without international scrutiny and accountability, systematic authoritarian practices risk becoming normalized.

What It Means for Ugandans Who advocate for change

For ordinary Ugandans, Bobi Wine’s international recognition carries multiple layers of meaning, both hopeful and sobering:

1. Global validation of a domestic struggle

This award sends a powerful message: Uganda’s political crisis is not ignored internationally. For supporters, it affirms that their suffering, aspirations, and democratic demands reflect global principles of freedom and human rights.

2. Moral and psychological reinforcement

Symbolic recognitions from influential international groups help sustain morale among a population that has endured repeated cycles of repression. It reminds them that their cause is linked to universal aspirations for dignity and democratic governance.

3. International platforms amplify Uganda’s plight

Institutions like the European Parliament and Geneva Summit provide amplified visibility that helps shed light on events that may otherwise remain internal or underreported. These platforms elevate discussions on Uganda’s political environment and human rights record.

4. Potential diplomatic pressure

While constrained by geopolitics, international engagement — particularly statements and resolutions from bodies like the European Union — can impose reputational and political costs on governments that flout democratic standards.

5. Realistic limitations remain

Despite these positive dynamics, international recognition does not automatically transform domestic power structures. State control over electoral institutions, security forces, and political space remains firmly in the hands of Uganda’s ruling elite. Real change will still require sustained internal organisation, unity of purpose among citizens, and strategic political action.

The International Dimension: European Union and Geneva Summit Engagement

European Parliament Resolutions

In February and early March 2026, the European Parliament adopted resolutions expressing concern about the post‑election situation in Uganda, including allegations of intimidation, harassment and restrictions on political activities for opposition figures like Bobi Wine. These resolutions reflect growing European scrutiny of democratic backsliding in Uganda — a development that underscores the political costs of entrenched rule and how international actors are increasingly alert to it.

Geneva Summit Advocacy

By addressing the Geneva Summit for Human Rights and Democracy, Bobi Wine leveraged one of the world’s most influential human rights platforms to bring firsthand testimony of repression and call for international accountability. His engagement at Geneva marked an important step in turning Uganda’s political narrative into a global human rights concern rather than a purely domestic political dispute.

Museveni’s International Lobbying and Diplomatic Efforts

While Bobi Wine works to internationalise Uganda’s democratic struggle, Yoweri Museveni’s government has also pursued its own global engagement strategies — often aimed at maintaining alliances, securing diplomatic support, and shaping foreign perceptions of Uganda’s political environment.

Lobbying in Washington and Global Capitals

Reports indicate that the Ugandan government has employed international lobbyists like Joseph Szlavik — a U.S.‑based consultant and lobbyist — to engage policymakers and influence perceptions in Washington. Such lobbying seeks to present Uganda in a positive diplomatic light, attract foreign investment, and counter criticism about governance and human rights from Western audiences.

Lobbying efforts like these aim to bolster Uganda’s diplomatic alliances and protect foreign partnerships, even as internal critics argue that such strategies prioritise image management over genuine democratic reform.

A Struggle Told at Home and Abroad

Bobi Wine’s recognition as a Hero of Democracy reflects more than personal honour — it signals a broadening of Uganda’s political story from a national struggle to a global human rights conversation. As the political crisis unfolds, international engagement — through civil society advocacy, European Union political scrutiny, and global human rights forums — complements the domestic push for democratic reform.

Yet the essence of Uganda’s journey remains rooted in the hearts, minds, and social mobilisation of its own people. International spotlight can illuminate the struggle, but the path to freedom depends on the unity, resilience, and strategic action of Ugandans themselves.

Exclusive

NUP Manifesto 2026-2031

Published

6 months ago

September 29, 2025

JBMuwonge

NUP-2026-2031-Manifesto.pdf Download

Fellow citizens, very honored to present to you the National Unity Platform Manifesto, 2026 – 2031, which we launched in Jinja District today. This is a manifesto born out of extensive consultation with our people. Extremely grateful to our Research and Policy teams for the great work done with so much dedication.

These are not mere promises- this is a covenant we are making with the people of Uganda to give our nation a fresh start. A NEW UGANDA NOW